The idea of ​​launching the journal National Interest arose in 2004, in the circle of intellectuals gathered around the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade. The magazine was launched on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of modern Serbian statehood. In this sense, the journal is primarily devoted to the study of the most important issues related to the concept of the state and state (national) interest, from the perspective of various scientific disciplines. Two centuries of Serbian statehood served the magazine's founders as a reference point of great value and importance both for Serbian national identity and for the study of the libertarian tradition of the Serbian people and its influence on other Balkan liberation movements, as well as the issue of basing civil and democratic political culture in this region. However, it should be emphasized that the magazine is not narrowly limited to the research of historical or identity issues, but also deals with other, diverse and always relevant topics in the field of political theory and political science in general, in accordance with the editorial policy. The magazine is published three times in a year.
RATIONALITY OF STATES IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: REALITY OR DELUSION?
THE PARADOX OF DISTANCE: THE EVOLUTION OF CROATIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY AND WAR NARRATIVE AFTER THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA
Социјалистичко насљеђе снажно је утицало на развој новог хрватског идентитета, који се базира на национализму, управо на начин да му је главна одредница одступање од социјалистичке и југославенске прошлости, те доживљавање Срба и Србије као главног ривала. Питање које је истражено у овом раду је како то да унаточ растућем временском одмаку од рата национализам и даље не јењава у Хрватској, већ расте, а ратни наратив не слаби ни најмање. Евидентно је да се хрватски национални идентитет, поготово онај колективни, базира на рату и ратној реторици, која је обојена национализмом, а особито нетрпељивошћу према Србима, који и даље имају улогу главног непријатеља. Национализам и ратни наратив, који се неодвојиви један од другог од ратова деведесетих па све до сад имали су узлазну путању, те нису довођени у питање. Нови замах им је дан и оснивањем и дјеловањем нових крајње десних политичких опција, као што су Домовински покрет, Хрватски суверенисти и Мост, који су преузели и надоградили на реторику водеће странке у земљи Хрватске демократске заједнице. Унаточ томе што је временски одмак од рата значајан, националистички и ратни наратив не јењава, а све је прихваћенији и међу млађим генерацијама које се рођене након рата. Хипотеза постављена у раду дакле гласи да се хрватски национални идентитет обликован након распада Југославије темељи на сталном репродуцирању ратног наратива и националистичке реторике, при чему се Срби представљају као трајни непријатељ, а тај наратив се учвршћује кроз дјеловање политичких странака (особито десних), институција и медија те преноси на млађе генерације. Методологија пак обухвата примарно анализу дискурса, укључујући политички дискурс и медијске наративе, као и квалитативну анализу примарних и секундарних извора, односно анализу садржаја.
HISTORICAL NARRATIVE AS THE FOUNDATION OF STRATEGIC CULTURE: A CASE STUDY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA
This paper underscores the central importance of historical narrative as the foundation of strategic culture. Anchored in the assumptions of moderate constructivism, the concept of strategic culture places at the center of analysis the question of the causal relationship between ideational factors (i.e., identity, norms, values, and ideas) and national security policy. By situating strategic culture within the constructivist research program, it becomes possible to treat historical narrative as its ideational foundation. Accordingly, the starting hypothesis of this paper is based on the assumption that historical narrative constitutes the ideational foundation of the strategic culture of the Republic of Serbia. In other words, the historical narrative encompasses key ideas, beliefs, values, and norms relevant to national security policy. The hypothesis is tested through a case study of Serbia’s strategic culture, based on an analysis of the institutionalized historical narrative. Using qualitative content analysis, history textbooks are examined as the referential basis of the historical narrative. The primary objective of the research is to identify the ideational factors of the strategic culture of the Republic of Serbia across four analytical dimensions: identity, values, norms, and worldview. The temporal scope of the research covers the period from the 1990s to the present.The analysis of the historical narrative enables the deduction and identification of ideational factors that underpin the core dimensions of the strategic culture of the Republic of Serbia. The identified ideational factors demonstrate mutual coherence, with the dimension of identity emerging as the cornerstone of the remaining analytical dimensions and of the strategic culture of the Republic of Serbia as a whole. Specifically, the identified key national and state interests, legitimate methods for their realization, and perceptions of other states and nations are deeply rooted in national self-understanding and in the characteristics of the Serbian national character.
BETWEEN FACTS AND NARRATIVES: THE CRIME IN SKELA 1941 IN LOCAL AND NATIONAL MEMORY CULTURE
The crime in the village of Skela was committed on August 15, 1941 by members of the 64th Reserve Police Battalion. It was an act of reprisal, but at the same time also an act of revenge for the deaths of one officer and three non-commissioned officers of the same battalion, who had been killed in the village the previous day. The reprisal was ordered by the Military Commander of Serbia, General Dankelmann, together with his closest associates, and it was decided that news of the crime should be publicly announced through all available channels of communication. The aim was to intimidate the local population across the entire occupied territory and thereby deter further attacks on German soldiers and police personnel. Unlike other crimes committed in the autumn of 1941, this crime did not acquire a central place in the national culture of memory, but remained confined exclusively to the local context. The main facts concerning the crime were established during two trials held in 1947; nevertheless, over time a wide range of inaccuracies, and even serious errors emerged in collective memory. In historiography, the basic factual framework of the crime was established more than half a century later, in the late 1990s. By contrast, the culture of memory assumed various forms, with differing degrees of accuracy. Numerous articles addressing this crime were published in the press; however, they often contained a series of erroneous data, which clearly contributed to the creation of a distorted narrative based on incorrect assumptions. In the village itself, two significant monuments were erected, directly marking and preserving from oblivion both the site of the reprisal and the names and faces of the murdered villagers. In addition, streets in the village were named after the victims, while the main village street was dedicated to all those who perished in the massacre. Finally, oral tradition remains alive to this day, focusing primarily on the general narrative of the burning of the village and the execution of hostages, as well as on individual stories of the victims, preserved from oblivion by their descendants.
NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE DYNAMICS OF GLOBAL INSTABILITY: THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND NEW SECURITY CHALLENGES
The national security of the Republic of Serbia in the third decade of the 21st century is conditioned by the accelerated dynamics of global instability and the multidimensional transformation of security challenges, risks, and threats that transcend classical state-centric frameworks and expand into non-traditional security domains. The authors suggest that, although the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia (2019) seeks to provide a strategic and institutional response to the growing complexity of transnational risks-such as hybrid and asymmetric threats, terrorism, organized crime, migration, and climate change-it nevertheless exhibits significant conceptual limitations in the perception, detection, and treatment of contemporary security phenomena, including pandemics of infectious diseases, cybersecurity, digital sovereignty, and the security implications of the excessive use and misuse of artificial intelligence. This paper argues that Serbia’s national security policy should be optimised through the introduction of the widened security concept, which aims to integrate military and non-military dimensions-political, economic, societal, environmental, and technological-with the objective of ensuring a long-term adaptive system capable of proactively safeguarding national interests in a global order increasingly characterised by multipolarity and the transformation of traditional security challenges.
CRITICAL REVIEW OF DRAGOŠ KALAJIĆ’S “MAP OF (ANTI)UTOPIAS”
The first, theoretically most lively and controversial work in Serbia on utopias, Map of (Anti)utopias, was published by Dragoš Kalajić in 1978. The Paper, in its first part, places Kalajić’s book within the corpus of works that study utopias and utopian thinking, defining their content and basic characteristics, to begin the analysis of Kalajić’s contribution to the study of this topic and the specificity of the angle from which he explained utopian ideas and processes. The second part of the Paper, using methods of content analysis and comparison, identifies models that served as starting points for Kalajić’s study of utopias among traditionalist thinkers, especially the teachings of Julius Evola, a right-wing traditionalist whose significant influence shaped Kalajić's entire thought. The third, final part of the Paper provides a critical overview of the scope of Kalajić's study and calls for, taking into consideration his significant contribution to the research on utopias, as well as some perceived shortcomings, a nuanced approach to the “mapping” of this topic.
PRAGMATISM IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN NATIONAL INTERESTS AND STRATEGY
International relations are a changing field with no final solutions. Although they are not the only ones, states were and remain the key subject of international relations. The term state security was replaced by national security in the second half of the 20th century. It is not just a formal linguistic change in determining the security of the state. Namely, national interests came to the fore. Concepts of national values, interests, and goals emerge at different stages of the development of human society and the state. It is a fact that classical and medieval philosophy did not know the concept of interests, even national ones. This concept originates in the philosophy of pragmatism, and it occupies a central place and suppresses values. In this sense, national interests are a political category and the root cause of conflicts in international relations. The United States of America was the world's most powerful country in the 20th century. After the Second World War, a national security strategy document was created in the USA, in which, among other things, America's vital national interests and the way to achieve them are determined. From President Harry Truman to Donald Trump, the basic national interest of the USA has been and remains - to rule the world. The difference lies only in the methods of determination and operationalization, as well as in their application in practice. America remained the only superpower at the end of the Cold War. In this sense, the majority of European countries are joining American-led integration, primarily through NATO. In this sense, the majority of countries in Europe and around the world adopt national security strategies, except multinational states (organizations) that do not include the attribute "national" in their security strategies. It is a fact that in all the national security strategies of numerous countries, national interests and goals occupy a dominant place, while national values ​​are only sporadically mentioned. Analyzing the way of determining national interests and goals, as well as their realization and realization in practice, it can be unequivocally concluded that the world powers apply a direct and immediate approach to their determination, which is confirmed by their realization in practice. On the other hand, small and underdeveloped countries approach the determination of national interests and goals formally, so their realization in practice is questionable. The Republic of Serbia marks two decades of its independence and autonomy in very complex international relations. Serbia is going through a very difficult path of disintegration of the former SFRY, and that disintegration was not completed precisely on its territory - Kosovo and Metohija. Although the UN Security Council protectorate continues in Kosovo and Metohija, the temporary organs of the Albanian authorities proclaimed an independent Kosovo. Serbia has adopted two national security strategies, which are qualitatively very different. The attitude towards the way of determining national values, interests and goals is especially different. Thus, Serbia defined its national security for the first time only in 2019. In the relationship of national values, interests, and goals, there are evident inconsistencies and even a kind of exclusivity.
EVOLUTION OF THE RUSSIAN CONCEPT OF STRATEGIC DETERRENCE
This article explores the evolution of Russia’s strategic deterrence concept from the Cold War era to the current conflict in Ukraine. The primary goal is to analyze how Russia’s nuclear and military doctrines have transformed and how deterrence has become a multidimensional instrument of national security. By applying content and comparative analysis methods, the paper contrasts the Russian approach with the Western (primarily American) paradigm. The findings reveal that Russia’s deterrence model has expanded significantly, incorporating not only nuclear and conventional capabilities, but also cyber, economic, and ideological tools. The study concludes that deterrence in the Russian context surpasses traditional defensive purposes and becomes an active element of power projection in a complex global security environment.
Between the Reich and Republic. The History of the German Postwar Right
POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND THE POWER OF SOCIAL NETWORKS IN NATIONAL CRISES
This research focuses on social networks and their role as activists during political crises within nation-states. Demonstrations and other forms of civil protest become more expressive with increased media coverage, where specific political demands are often hidden under the guise of non-violence. The author identifies five characteristic phases of message creation that, through various digital formats and modalities, contribute to increased visibility in the traditional public sphere. This amplifies the crisis's intensity, increasing the risk of escalation and internationalization. The nation-state and social networks are often incompatible during times of crisis, resulting in divided public opinion over possible solutions and their consequences. In a networked society, this leads to increased production of fear and moral panic, along with the spread of fake news, disinformation, and rumors. These dynamics can result in numerous incidents and further mobilization of youth, who represent a particularly vulnerable group. The new audience is increasingly overlapping, polarizing, shifting, and restructuring in accordance with changed social contexts and a digital environment that enables actor anonymity. Media technology, through digitalization and artificial intelligence, is becoming a conditio sine qua non for managing specific spaces and political relationships within a community, which also means that the course of action during crises is changing.
THE CULTURE OF SECRECY IN THE DIGITAL AGE: BETWEEN NECESSITY, ABUSE, AND CYBERSECURITY
The culture of secrecy represents an institutionalized model of information management that has evolved from ancient civilizations to modern digital societies. Historically, secrecy was justified by security and political interests, but it often transformed into a mechanism for concentrating power and restricting democratic oversight (Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 2014, 45–60). In the Roman Empire, information was safeguarded in formal archives (tabularia), while the Qin and Han dynasties in China developed complex bureaucratic systems for managing confidential data. Modern secrecy mechanisms, such as the D-Notice system in the United Kingdom, continue to institutionalize information control. The digital transformation has expanded the concept of secrecy through algorithms and mass surveillance, enabling new methods of concealing and manipulating data. Examples such as the misuse of Pegasus spyware or the mass classification of public contracts illustrate how technology not only facilitates information management but also enables more subtle forms of secrecy. At the same time, whistleblowers like Edward Snowden highlight the vulnerabilities of digital privacy, while legal mechanisms such as the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) in the U.S. and initiatives for document declassification promote transparency. This paper analyzes the historical development of the culture of secrecy, its transformation in the digital age, and contemporary challenges in balancing legitimate security protection with the need for transparency. Special attention is given to public control mechanisms, including freedom of information, declassification processes, and the role of whistleblowers in preserving transparency as a fundamental element of democratic society.
ENERGY COOPERATION IN THE SUPPLY CHAIN AS AN INSTRUMENT OF POWER TRANSFORMATION IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION
The paper is structured into six sections. The first section examines the geopolitical significance of energy security and the security of supply. Energy security has become an increasingly prominent factor in international politics, while diversification of supply is presented as a pathway to building greater resilience against external risks. The second section discusses how structural realism explains the underlying interests driving energy cooperation between the European Union and Azerbaijan, shaping the transformation of the security and energy architecture of Europe and the South Caucasus. The third section analyzes Azerbaijan’s geopolitical position and its historical role in Eurasian energy flows. The fourth section explores Europe’s decades-long dependence on Russian gas. The fifth section focuses on the development of bilateral cooperation between the European Union and Azerbaijan. Finally, the sixth section highlights the limitations and risks associated with energy cooperation between the two sides.
Offensive realism and minilateralism in the balkans
This paper analyzes the emergence of new minilateral defense arrangements in the Balkans, focusing on the Tirana and Zagreb Declarations of 2025. Although these initiatives are formally aligned with NATO and EU frameworks and rhetoric, they essentially represent strategic balancing efforts among small states reacting to the perceived shift in regional power and the growing influence of Serbia and its external partners. The study applies the theoretical framework of offensive realism, contrasting it with liberal institutionalism, to explain why states seek narrower, faster, and more controllable security formats even within existing alliances. The analysis demonstrates that minilateralism functions as an operational mechanism within broader institutional structures rather than an alternative to them. In an environment of persistent uncertainty, states turn to selective cooperation formats that enable rapid decision-making, interoperability, and industrial coordination when multilateral institutions appear too slow or ambiguous. The Tirana Declaration, linking Albania, Croatia, and Kosovo, and the Zagreb Declaration, connecting Croatia and Slovenia, reveal a layered response aimed at consolidating capabilities and signaling cohesion under the guise of Euro-Atlantic solidarity. Parallel to this, Serbia’s asymmetric counterbalancing strategy, anchored in defense-industrial cooperation with Hungary, political and symbolic coordination with Russia, and technological and training partnerships with China, illustrates how a non-aligned actor adapts to regional consolidation efforts without directly opposing major institutions. The findings confirm three major propositions. First, offensive realism remains a reliable explanatory framework for state behavior even within heavily institutionalized environments. Second, institutions primarily shape rhetoric and procedural legitimacy but not the actual distribution of power. Third, minilateralism has become an intermediate channel that shortens the time between threat perception and coordinated response. The research concludes that institutions can organize discourse, but power continues to organize reality, and that the persistence of uncertainty inevitably drives states toward new, flexible, and interest-driven security configurations.
CONSEQUENCES OF THE ISRAELI WARS IN THE MIDDLE EAST SINCE 2023
In this paper, the causes and, in particular, the consequences of the war efforts undertaken by the Jewish country in the period of approximately two years (October 2023-October 2025) in the Middle East are analyzed. The author highlighted the shortcomings of various theoretical frameworks in the IR discipline. In contrast, the Matteo Marconi variation of the Italian neoclassical geopolitical school, which emphasizes culture, history, and will, is crucial in influencing the aims of foreign policy. Therefore, that line of thought is suitable as an explanatory tool for the described behavior of a physically-geographically small state. The first two chapters are dedicated to explaining the history and religion as factors that shape Israeli foreign policy. In the following chapters, the history and geopolitical reasoning of the episodes of the unique war effort, aimed against Hezbollah, Syria, Hamas, and generally against Palestinians and Iran, are presented. The author concludes that consequences are multifaceted, referring to the distribution of power, modes of its dissemination, and theoretically highlighting the weakness of the concept of soft power in a changing world order. Israel managed to secure the reward for the series of war crimes, including the genocide, with Western support. This reveals the comprehensive breakdown of international law and the mechanisms of the post-Second World War order. Key words: Israel, Palestine, World Order, Iran, Middle East, Donald Trump, Netanyahu
DEMOCRATIC PEACE IN RELATION TO REGIONAL PEACE AND STABILITY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS
<p class="p1" style="margin: 0px; text-align: justify; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-feature-settings: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variant-emoji: normal; font-stretch: normal; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal; font-family: 'Times New Roman';">The paper aims to apply the theory of democratic peace to the context of regional peace and security in the Western Balkans, using both its internal external components. Due to the importance of regional democratisation for regional positive peace, as the theory would suggest, the recent democratic backsliding could negatively affect it. We provide a testing and adaptation of the famous theory and its recent adaptations and emerging corollaries, and produce a comparative regional empirical analysis to do so. After an overview of the democratic situation, and an analysis of regional relations, in the context of regional EU accession and the nominal role of the EU as a regional stabiliser or democratiser, we examine the implications for the region based on the theoretical insight and expectations. We found that there is a link between internal democratic practice and regional stability, as internal democratic issues led to deterioration of bilateral and multilateral cooperation, as well as to a slowing down of the EU accession process which is meant to contribute to peace in the region. We put forward the proposal that regional peace depends in many ways upon the continuation of democratisation in each regional state, which would contribute to an overall regional pacification even without direct external effort to that end. The results indicate that democratic backsliding would have a negative effect on regional peace and security, and vice versa, putting a normative emphasis on the continuation of regional democratisation.
TWELVE-DAY WAR FROM POINT OF VIEW OF STRATEGY
The short-lived war between Israel and Iran in June 2025 was the culmination of decades of conflict between two states in the Middle East region. This war is multiple inspirable for research from different sciences or disciplines (military strategy, geopolitics, geostrategy, polemology, study of international relations, etc.) and can be analysed and viewed from a variety of conceptual and methodological angles. A deeper (scientific) understanding of this war requires not only its description and listing of the relevant events in it, but also its interpretation and explanation on the basis of already established and verified scientific paradigms. In this work, the Israeli-Iranian war will be investigated with the help of a significant paradigm from a (military) strategy. It is about the concept of two types of strategy -- sequential and cumulative -- by US Admiral Joseph Wylie. The results that have come about are as follows -- the Israeli armed forces and the state of Israel itself have resorted to a sequential, and Iran and its armed forces to a cumulative strategy. Israel has gradually neutralized or degraded Iran's partners and allies in order to have a "free hand" for the ultimate operation – the attack on Iran. On the other hand, Iran resorted to missile attacks in response to Israeli aggression whose effects should have had a cumulative effect on Tel Aviv's position
STEPINAC ON SERBS AND GENOCIDE 1934–1943.
CRITICAL REVIEW OF SPENGLER’S POLITICAL BOOK “PRUSSIANISM AND SOCIALISM”
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Spengler’s main work, “Decline of the West” and questioning the (un)realization of some predictions from a distance longer than a century. The first part of the Paper gives a cross-section through the fundamental theses presented in the book “Prussianism and Socialism” such as the futility of the German revolution of 1918, the opposition between English and Prussian spirit in the Western world, “English” nature of Marxist socialism, etc. The central part of the Paper provides a critical account of the phenomenon of socialism from the perspective of Spengler’s cultural morphology and the role of the Prussians and the Romans in his comparative historical analysis. The final part of the paper synthesizes critical conclusions. It explains the erroneous assessments and forecasts Spengler made in his political writings regarding the relationship between Prussia and socialism. Spengler mistakenly identified socialism as a modern aspiration towards unity with bureaucratic, hierarchical modifications of the social order (a characteristic not only of the Prussians but of all peoples whose societies and states in these modernization processes are becoming more complex based on their cultural heritage). However, in "The Decline of the West," he correctly observed the mixture of rational moralism and nihilism as the basis for "socialisms" in various cultures throughout history—from this error followed the next: the identification of the Prussians with the Romans and their fate of "adopting" and modifying socialism for the doctrinal justification of their imperialism. Historical events, that is, Germany's failure to achieve its imperial mission and the fact that only America has an imperial role in the Western world, in Spengler's interpretation of historical events, have the force of a final verdict: it is not Prussia, but America that has/will appropriate socialism for its imperial goals and among whom "new Caesars" will emerge who will solidify the Western imperial order.
CORPORATE SECURITY AND SUSTAINABLE ENERGY DEVELOPMENT
Sustainable energy development and corporate security have numerous interdependent and conditional correlation relationships. The importance of the research subject imposes the need to adequately present the correlation and causal relationship between energy availability and corporate security. Accordingly, the paper aims to synthesize existing scientific knowledge and draw new possible conclusions on the research subject. Also, the aim is to analyze the impact of energy on corporate security as a highly complex, multivalent, and multi-manifest phenomenon using a multidisciplinary approach. The above will create a foundation for raising awareness of the necessity of rational consumption of energy resources in the sphere of corporate business, as well as the need to introduce alternative or renewable energy sources. Corporate security and sustainable energy development have a common goal: to create a safe and stable environment for the functioning of economic and social systems. Sustainable energy development and corporate security have numerous interdependent factors that affect the complete financial, ecological, political, and social aspects of society, the state, and the wider international community. The aforementioned interdependence factors were examined using analytical and synthetic methods, of which content analysis, classification, and deduction are the most important and most frequently applied data collection and processing methods.
MAXIMUM COVERAGE MODEL IN FUNCTION OF OPTIMIZATION OF POLICE RESOURCES
Location problems are some of the fundamental issues when using police resources. Material and human resources are essential factors in the functioning of the police organization and are the basis for making decisions about the allocation of resources. The paper explores the possibilities of using the maximum coverage model when solving location problems, using GIS technologies as a means of decision support in the Police Directorate in Zrenjanin. The research is illustrated with practical examples, all with the aim of optimization and rational use (engagement) of the resources of the Police Directorate. The research findings answer the question of which locations police patrols should be deployed to be more efficient and effective in performing tasks such as combating crime and immediately depriving perpetrators of criminal acts of their freedom. The limitations of the paper relate to solving location problems in only one police department and using one software and method, as well as the lack of research concerning crime hotspots.
STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS – THEORY AND DEVELOPMENT
Strategic communications are one of the key instruments of national security strategy, enabling states to manage the information space, shape the perception of security threats, and support the realization of national interests. Although the concept of strategic communications is relatively new, its application dates back to the earliest forms of military and diplomatic strategy, and today it has become an essential element of international relations and security policy. The development of technology, especially artifcial intelligence, has signifcantly improved strategic communications, enabling automated analysis, personalized information distribution, and proactive crisis management. This paper explores the place and role of strategic communications in national security through the prism of realist, liberal, and constructivist theories of international relations. The aim of the research is, on the one hand, to determine how modern technologies, primarily artifcial intelligence, are changing the scope and character of strategic communication, and on the other hand, to analyze how theoretical models can serve as a basis for the design and implementation of communication strategies in the context of national security. The paper starts from the hypothesis that effective strategic communication requires an integral approach that connects technological tools, institutional practice, and scientifc reﬂection. By applying content analysis and the hypothetical–deductive method, the paper also considers specifc case studies on the conﬂicts in Ukraine, Syria, and Israel, in which strategic communications play a key role in shaping public perception, delegitimizing opponents, and mobilizing support. The research confrms that integrating artifcial intelligence into strategic communications signifcantly improves the ability of states to protect their interests and act in a complex international community. The scientifc contribution of the work is reﬂected in the theoretical articulation of strategic communications as a structural component of national security strategy, but also in the recognition of their transformative potential in the digital era. It is concluded that strategic communications have become an indispensable mechanism of national and foreign policy, whose scientifc and technological foundation is the basis of modern security strategies.
ON THE INFLUENCE OF IDEOLOGICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL DOCTRINES OF THE WEST ON THE FORMATION OF A MODERN SERBIAN STATE
The subject of research in this monographic study is the inﬂuence of ideological and geopolitical doctrines of the West on the formation of the modern Serbian state in the 19th century. The research aims to understand European states’ prevailing inﬂuence on a geopolitical constellation in the Balkan Peninsula in the abovementioned period. Within this monographic study, analytic-synthetic and comparative methods are implemented in the presentation of: the formation of Western political philosophy; the change of traditional Serbian identity before and during the formation of the modern Serbian state; and the prevention of the revival of the concept of pre-Osman Christian Orthodox states. Conclusion of the research in this monographic study is that one of frst preconditions for the formation of modern Serbian and other Balkan states under direct or indirect control of European Welf-Hanover dynasty and its dynasty branches was a centuries long premodern colonial domination of representatives of Venetian and Genoese slavery and merchant companies, whose political philosophy directly and indirectly inﬂuenced development of later European powerful navies and also later political processes in the Balkan peninsula. Western geopolitical interests were clashing with the geostrategy of the Russian Empire in the Balkans. Tzarist Russia was, in a geopolitical sense, substantial for the formation of the Balkan Christian states, the Serbian one included, but modern Western political philosophy prevailed in the formation of the ideological inclination of the Balkan peoples.
POLITICAL DISCOURSE ON SERBIA IN THE MEDIA REPORTING OF THE SELECTED WESTERN COUNTRIES
The paper presents the results of research on the discourse on Serbia in selected Western media since the beginning of the military operation in Ukraine. The conducted research included the analysis of the original content of articles published on the Bild, BBC, and The New York Times websites, showing that the current discourse on Serbia was mostly established in the 1990s, during the Balkan conflicts, when the previous, positive image of the country as part of the SFR Yugoslavia was replaced by a negative one, awakening earlier references to the entire Balkan region. Historically, the West has viewed the Balkans as a collection of barbarians who, although in Europe, are distant from the European civilization, concluding that only distancing from their own past and identity and acceptance of European norms can help the Balkan countries break away from the tribal and backward. The process of portraying Serbia through the notions of Balkanism and Nazification later grew into the overall demonization of the country and its people. Serbia has been labelled as the main and only culprit for the Balkan conflicts, the discourse promoted by the Western politicians and broadcast by the media and eventually accepted by the public, about a backward and genocidal country that deserves to be destroyed. Legitimacy to this narrative has been given by institutions such as the ICTY, which changed the interpretation of genocide to make it applicable to the Serbian case, and various Western intelligence organisations that fabricated evidence in order to get the public support for the intervention against Serbia. In the midst of the negative campaign, various marketing agencies were used to promote the desired discourse, creating false information about the existence of concentration camps and a narrative similar to the one that existed against Nazi Germany in order to minimize resistance to the punitive measures that the West intended for Serbia. Western media selected for the purposes of this paper primarily choose sensationalist topics related to the field of politics and crime in the relevant period, mostly reporting on the relationship between Serbia and Kosovo, the influence of Russia on Serbia and the Balkans, the elections and the Serbian president, protests, and mass shooting in Belgrade. Portal bild.de mentioned Serbia in 24 articles in an almost exclusively negative connotation. bbc.com rarely reported on Serbia in the given period, mentioning it only 14 times with a little more journalistic objectivism keeping neutrality in about 43% of the articles. nytimes.com is a true example of journalism of attachment because it uses every opportunity to report on Serbia in a negative manner. By creating such an image in 35 articles, out of which 86% presented Serbia in a negative connotation, The New York Times continues the negative campaign against the country from the 1990s in order to support the official goals of the West such as the recognition of Kosovo and the acceptance of full responsibility for the Balkan conflicts, including genocide. Serbia is, therefore, depicted as an autocratic, nationalistic, stubborn country, featuring no freedom of the press, still living in the legacy of the wartime past, such as a high degree of armament of the population, non-reconciliation with the past and non-acceptance of international positions regarding Kosovo's independence or blame for ethnic cleansing in the Balkans. The country is also connected to organized crime, hooligan groups with roots in paramilitary groups, and a right-wing president who is holding the country in the grip of nationalism and his far-right past.
THE SURVIVAL OF GORAN IDENTITY IN KOSOVO AND METOHIJA: THE ROLE OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA AND THE BRUSSELS PROCESS
The paper aimed to explain the concept of “nuclear sharing” in Europe and determine the direction of its further development, such as proliferation, control, or elimination. It used historical and content analysis, synthesis, and comparative approaches. Historical analysis showed the fundamental motives for the emergence of the US “nuclear sharing,” its inextricable link with the expanded deterrence and defense of the US, and its role in NATO. As an instrument of non-proliferation in Europe, “nuclear sharing” was supposed to provide sufficient security guarantees to the US allies so that they would not choose the path of creating their nuclear weapons or cooperating with the already existing European atomic weapons. The Federal Republic of Germany issue was of special concern to both the US and USSR. The “nuclear sharing” was supposed to enable both a stronger binding of the allies to the US and the creation of transatlantic unity, but also to maintain the European balance of power between states that possess and those that do not have nuclear weapons. In addition, the new roles of “nuclear sharing” cannot be linked only to the relationship with Russia but also to the emergence of new threats, especially those in the Middle East, as perceived by the US and its NATO allies. The paper then discussed the controversies of “nuclear sharing” that were known during the negotiations of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, but which, with the end of the Cold War, became questionable again, not only for Russia but especially for other NPT member states. These controversies relate to Articles 1 and 2 of the NPT (interpretation of the term "transfer" of nuclear weapons), whether it also limits the deployment of delivery systems, the obligation to move towards nuclear disarmament under Article 6 of the NPT, the invalidity of the Treaty in the event of war, as well as the training of the armed forces of non-nuclear-weapon states under the NPT for the performance of nuclear missions and the use of nuclear weapons. In terms of effectiveness, the paper examined the controversies of suitability of “nuclear weapons” for deterrence and defense against asymmetric threats, the need for their continued retention if the strategic forces of NATO members are sufficient for the role of deterrence and defense of the entire NATO, the credibility of American guarantees of extended deterrence, the suitability of the deployed tactical nuclear weapons for nuclear deterrence and defense in Europe, and the effectiveness of the air component of nuclear deterrence and defense, i.e. the limitations on the ability of dual-capability aircraft to deliver nuclear weapons to targets. Finally, the paper considered the future of the development of “nuclear sharing,” considering previous historical analysis and controversies. Three possible directions for the development of “nuclear sharing” are considered – proliferation (horizontal, vertical, and the possibility of “succession” of the nuclear status of the European Union from France), control, and elimination of “nuclear sharing” in Europe. The trend that tends to prevail in the conditions of the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East is proliferation from both the Russian and American sides. Although the status of “nuclear sharing” within the West remains unchanged, the pressure from Eastern European allies is growing stronger, especially from more conservative parties. On the other side, developing European nuclear deterrence by giving a “European dimension” to French atomic deterrence would raise the question of relations with the US – competitiveness or complementarity. The “nuclear sharing” issue with Turkey has been identified as the most controversial since ties with the US have weakened, those with Russia have strengthened, and the Turkish defense industry has established a more independent development. As for the elimination of “nuclear sharing,” the paper examined the options of the allies concerned own demands to end the sharing and the possibility of accession to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.
CONFLICTING VISIONS OF CONNECTIVITY: EU’S AND CHINA’S INFRASTRUCTURAL AGENDAS FOR THE WESTERN BALKANS
This article examines the strategic engagement of the European Union and China in the Western Balkans, analyzing their respective approaches through the EU Connectivity Agenda and China’s Belt and Road Initiative from 2015 to 2020. While both initiatives sought to enhance regional connectivity and infrastructure, they were shaped by differing agendas rooted in national interest. The EU’s approach focused on fostering economic integration and regulatory alignment with Europe, prioritizing shared standards and sustainable development. Conversely, China’s approach emphasized rapid infrastructure development as a means to expand its geopolitical influence, often leveraging state-driven investments to further its strategic interests. This study underscores how these competing agendas manifest in significant investments and their resulting impacts on regional infrastructure, economic growth, and political dynamics. The intensifying geopolitical competition between the EU and China also brings new challenges for the Western Balkan states, including debt dependency and sovereignty concerns, as they seek to balance foreign influence with national priorities. This analysis offers insight into the region’s evolving role within the broader global landscape, revealing the long-term implications of external powers pursuing both connectivity and national interests in shaping its development.
DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT – LEGAL NATURE OF THE DISSOLUTION ACT AND POSSIBILITIES OF CONTROL
The subject of this paper is the examination of the legal nature of the dissolution act and the consideration of the possibilities for controlling such an act. Dissolution, as a characteristic of the parliamentary system of government, is traditionally viewed as a political act, which implies that it is not subject to legal control. This paper reexamines this firmly rooted position in our legal theory on two levels. The first part of the paper discusses two cases of the power of the Bundestag's dissolution before the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. The second part, drawing on Germany's experience and particularly considering the practice of dissolution in Serbia, critically analyzes the constitutional provisions of this institute. A special section is dedicated to analyzing relevant constitutional and legal provisions regarding whether the Constitutional Court of Serbia can control the act of dissolution. In addition to strict legal analysis, the paper also examines the justification of such possible actions. Предмет овог рада је испитивање правне природе акта о распуштању и разматрање могућности контроле таквог акта. Распуштање као одлика парламентарног система власти традиционално се посматра као политички акт из чега произлази да не подлеже правној контроли. Такав, у нашој правној теорији врло чврсто укорењен став, у овом раду се преиспитује на два нивоа. У првом делу рада се разматрају два случаја контроле распуштања Бундестага пред Савезним уставним судом Немачке. У другом делу се са ослонцем на искуство Немачке, а нарочито узимајући у обзир праксу распуштања у Србији, критички анализирају уставна решења тог института. Посебан део чини анализа релеватних уставних и законских решења о о томе да ли Уставни суд може да контролише акт о распуштању. Поред строго правне анализе, посебно се разматра и питање оправданости таквог могућег поступања.
CROATIA AND THE STRATEGY OF (EXTENDED) DETERRENCE IN THE CONTEXT OF THE UKRAINE CONFLICT: NORMATIVE FOUNDATIONS AND PRACTICAL CHALLENGES
This paper examines Croatia's involvement in (extended) deterrence strategy as a critical component of NATO's collective defense strategy and its broader implications for regional stability, particularly in bilateral relations with Serbia. The research aims to analyze how Croatia’s NATO membership has influenced its strategic positioning and contributed to the development of its security policies. It also explores the impact of the Ukraine conflict on NATO’s strategic priorities and Croatia’s alignment with these objectives. The research draws on a comparative analysis of Croatia's national security and defense strategies from 2002 to 2017, reflecting a transition shaped by NATO and EU integration. The study demonstrates how Croatia has integrated its national defense strategy with broader Euro-Atlantic frameworks. Special attention is given to Croatia’s contributions to NATO missions and its political and logistical support for Ukraine. These engagements illustrate Croatia’s commitment to NATO’s objectives, including bolstering collective security and deterrence measures against potential threats, notably from Russia. This includes military assistance amounting to €181 million and alignment with EU sanctions against Russia. Despite these efforts, internal political disagreements, such as debates over training Ukrainian forces, reveal Croatia's challenges in balancing national interests with alliance obligations. The research highlights the exacerbation of the "security dilemma" between Croatia and Serbia, driven by differing security policies and the broader geopolitical consequences of the Ukraine conflict. Fueled by the Ukraine conflict, this dilemma is analyzed through the lens of arms races, strategic doctrines, and contrasting geopolitical alignments. The paper suggests that these dynamics aggravate existing mistrust and challenge regional stability in the Balkans. Croatia's NATO-driven deterrence strategy contrasts sharply with Serbia's military neutrality and strategic partnership with Russia, intensifying regional tensions and arms races. These dynamics underline the risk of destabilization in the Balkans if such tensions are not managed through sustained diplomatic efforts. The research offers a critical perspective on how national security strategies interact with multilateral policies, providing new insights into the regional consequences of global strategies like NATO’s deterrence framework. It underscores the need for Croatia and its neighbors to prioritize long-term strategic goals and regional cooperation to mitigate the risks posed by evolving security challenges. The findings emphasize the need for balanced approaches that reconcile national interests with allied obligations to ensure sustainable regional stability.
In the paper, the author tries to present Albania's experiences with the selection of a strategic security guarantor, with a special focus on her expertise related to NATO from 1992 onwards. The central hypothesis of this research is that the Albanian state has benefited from the extended deterrence provided by NATO not only after it became a member of that alliance in 2009 but even more than a decade before that. In this context, the author will focus on two examples, the first of which refers to the situation in which Albania found itself during the NATO aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999. The second indicates how the Albanian state benefited from the Alliance's expansion in the Western Balkans to improve the protection of the Albanian population in the neighborhood. In addition, the paper will also present specific ways in which Albania is seeking to improve its position within NATO so that the extended deterrence provided by that alliance can contribute as much as possible to the protection of Albanian national interests. The dominant data source for this work is scientific literature, while comparative and historical methods and case studies were used to draw conclusions.
THE CONTRADICTIONS OF THE MILITARY NEUTRALITY AND THE PRINCIPLE OF DETERRENCE: THE CASE OF SERBIA
The present paper raises the question of whether Serbia's military neutrality constitutes an obstacle to its principle of deterrence or, on the contrary, it contributes to its strengthening. After explaining the notions of both deterrence and military neutrality, the answer given by the author is that military neutrality represents prima facie a significant impediment in terms of deterrence since it makes impossible, by definition, any membership to a military alliance, which means one classical mode of deterrence. Furthermore, as military neutrality does not correspond to the concept of neutrality and its legal regime, it cannot be identified with this second mode of deterrence. On the other hand, and this is the paper's main finding, the military neutrality of Serbia accentuates all the immaterial elements of power, such as national spirit, character, or morale, and, therefore, paradoxically reinforces the principle of deterrence.