Immediately after the establishment of the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade, in January 1968, the edition of "Political Notebook" was launched, with the aim of affirming political theory and practice in the society of that time. The tradition of this journal continued in the mid-nineties of the last century, when the journal was renewed in the form of an annual, in which scientific papers were published, i.e. results of research work on projects of the Institute for Political Studies. Finally, in 2002, the Institute again launched a new series of political notebooks, this time under the name "Political Review", with the intention of regularly presenting knowledge from the fields of political science, political sociology and anthropology , recent political history, communication studies, as well as applied public opinion research - practically from all those areas that establish political science at the beginning of the 21st century, to our professional, academic, and general public. The journal is published four times a year.
EUROPEAN UNION’S JUSTIFICATION OF MILITARISATION THROUGH THE CONCEPT OF STRATEGIC PEACE
The article examines how the European Union’s post-2022 security approach and discourse redefine the meaning of peace through the emergence of what is conceptualised in the paper as strategic peace. Building on critical peace scholarship, the article argues that strategic peace represents a discursive synthesis of peace and deterrence, in which peace is no longer understood as the opposite of militarization but as something sustained through it. Through a content analysis of major EU strategies and the discourse within them, the article shows how Russia was framed as an existential threat to European stability despite its arguably limited direct military risk, legitimizing increased defense spending, NATO expansion, and thus a further militarization of the EU. This reframing of peace allows EU member states to militarize while maintaining a positive self-image of normative peacefulness, presenting military spending and strategic alignment as peace-preserving. Strategic peace is conceptualized as a broader transformation from liberal, cooperative notions of peace toward a deterrence-based understanding that normalizes militarization as necessary for European peace and security.
UNDER THE LENS OF TIME: THE CULTURE OF SPORT IN THE POSTMODERN ERA
In this study, the author, drawing on relevant literature and employing a comparative-historical method, analyzes sporting events across different cultural and historical periods. The text examines the relationship between sport, culture, and time in the context of the postmodern era, with particular emphasis on distinguishing physical, social, and technological time.It is shown that in the era of global technological acceleration, sport has become a mirror of contemporary society, which evaluates individuals based on records, results, and media exposure, rather than the virtue and spirit of the game advocated by the ancient Greek Olympians. Unlike them, the modern athlete becomes a media hero and a magnet for the global entertainment industry, representing a continuation of the Roman circus tradition in a postmodern form. Drawing on Spengler’s theory of the cycles of culture and civilization, the author demonstrates that modern (mass) man, from the industrial age to the present, has lost a sense of historical duration, living in ahistorical time, trapped in the “cage” of the present moment. This phenomenon is also reflected in sport, which increasingly loses its original meaning. Technological progress and media spectacularization condition the gradual disappearance of sport’s humanistic dimension.
ОД СТАТУСА КА УГОВОРУ: БИОПОЛИТИКА МОДЕРНОГ БРАКА И ГРАНИЦЕ ДРЖАВНЕ ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈЕ У РЕПУБЛИЦИ СРБИЈИ
The adoption of Family Law in Serbia in 2005 marks a fundamental change in how the state governs domestic life. By introducing the marriage contract, the state embraced neoliberal individualism, transferring regulatory power to private actors while maintaining institutional oversight through notary procedures. This movement functions as a biopolitical mechanism that integrates market logic into the private sphere, eroding the collective protective mechanisms characteristic of the socialist era. Despite the formal emphasis on freedom of contract, structural barriers continue to undermine equality between spouses. Moving beyond the myth of absolute autonomy, this study identifies a persistent “dilemma of choice” shaped by ideological illusions and gender-sensitive power imbalances. Through critical discourse analysis, the paper demonstrates how the neoliberal framework rebrands systemic economic risks as individual responsibilities, leaving the socio-economically weaker spouse vulnerable. The Serbian family thus remains at a critical crossroads, caught between persistent patriarchal frameworks and the atomizing pressures of globalized neoliberalism.
BETWEEN MULTICULTURAL AND INTERCULTURAL CONCEPTS: EDUCATION FOR MEMBERS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN SERBIA
Education for members of national minorities represents one of the most important topics in contemporary political theory with a specific attention dedicated to concepts of multiculturalism and interculturalism as reality in most of ethnically diverse societies. In such societies, the protection of minority rights becomes a key indicator of democratic maturity, integration and social cohesion, which makes education a crucial factor for accomplishing and maintaining political stability. Albeit the fact that there is no universal model of successful education for national minorities, high level of international standards and mechanisms guide the preservation of linguistic and cultural rights of minorities. At the theoretical level, liberal political thought views education as a form of soft power essential for democratic development. Interculturalism is often seen as a dynamic exchange between cultures and thus, more effective than sole multicultural coexistence, as it requires genuine dialogue, acceptance and solidarity. In the past 25 years, Republic of Serbia has developed a unique legal and institutional framework for minority protection and for the preservation of education for minorities through domestic legislation, ratification of international documents and special institutional mechanisms. Despite this, challenges in implementation remain, highlighting the need for continues policy improvement to ach ieve the proclaimed ideal of interculturalism. Contemporary theorists such as Kymlicka, Talyor and Bennett emphasize the crucial role of education in safeguarding collective identity, language and culture, as well as fostering interethnic dialogue and social cohesion. The main aim of modern debates is to reach the fine line and find a balance between minority identity preservation and integration into wider society, navigating between multicultural and intercultural models. The system designed in Serbia offers three different models of minority education: full instruction in minority language, instruction in Serbian with minority language and culture as subjects and bilingual education (in Serbian and minority language). The first model prevails in practice, but faces various obstacles and challenges, such as lack of qualified teachers, textbook, financial resources and complex procedures. In Serbia (and in many other Western Balkan countries) educational reforms reflect a gradual shift from ethnocentric models toward intercultural approaches. Educational policies are designed to cultivate solidarity and understanding, reduce ethnic distance and strengthen the feeling of belonging. Overall, the paper underscores that quality minority education is indispensable for democratic governance, successful diversity management and societal stability. It argues that the way forward for Serbia is within strengthening intercultural educational policies and practical implementation, with the main aim of upholding identity differences while promoting shared belonging and inclusive citizenship. The paper is primarily based on a theoretical approach and a descriptive analysis of relevant scientific literature, statutory and bylaw acts, as well as research in the field of public education and national minorities.
EURASIAN GEOGRAPHICAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BALKAN PENINSULA AS A FRAMEWORK FOR GEOPOLITICAL PROCESSES
The Balkans’ geographic position at the crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa makes it a key geopolitical hub. The subject of this paper is the analysis of the Eurasian geographical characteristics of the Balkan Peninsula and their repercussions on the geopolitics of major world powers (USA, Russia, EU, China) and powerful regional actors in the Balkan Peninsula, without a detailed examination of the individual and mutual geopolitical relations of the Balkan countries themselves. Through the lens of balkanization, this study investigates how geographical and political differences in the Balkans shape its history and contemporary geopolitical relations. Some of the historical geopolitical processes that dominantly shaped the Balkans include the influence of the Ottoman Empire and the breakup of Yugoslavia. Contemporary geopolitical processes in the Balkans, with a focus on NATO and EU integration, demonstrate how geographical features and the strategic interests of major powers (especially the USA and Russia) shape the region. At the end, the possibilities for preserving stability, fostering further connections, and shaping the region’s perspective are considered, which are directly related to the Balkans’ geographical and strategic position in the Eurasian context.
INSTITUTIONAL, STRATEGIC AND SOCIO-POLITICAL FACTORS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF GREEN POLITICAL PARTIES IN SERBIA
This paper examines how institutional (electoral) design, in interaction with party strategies and the broader social context, shapes the parliamentary affirmation of green political parties in Serbia. Drawing on contemporary approaches that do not interpret the development of issue-oriented parties through institutional determinism, but rather through the interplay of structural rules, strategic positioning, and social mobilization, the study analyzes the role of the proportional electoral system as one of the dominant factors of their political relevance. Particular attention is devoted to the elements of electoral engineering in Serbia—a single nationwide electoral district, the electoral threshold, the D’Hondt formula, and closed party lists—and their cumulative effects under conditions of post-transitional party competition. The empirical analysis covers electoral processes and key reforms of electoral legislation in the period 1990–2023, with particular emphasis on the introduction of the proportional representation system in 1992. The methodology combines quantitative analysis of disproportionality and party system fragmentation (the Gallagher Index and the Effective Number of Parties Index) with qualitative analysis of coalition strategies, processes of institutionalization, and contextual social conflicts that enabled the political articulation of green issues.The findings indicate that the proportional electoral system in Serbia provides structural opportunities for the entry of green political parties into parliament, but that their sustained parliamentary relevance depends on the ability of green actors to strategically consolidate support and politically articulate social and environmental conflicts. The paper thus demonstrates that the rise of green actors is the result of the interaction between institutional rules, their quantitative effects, and strategic agency within a specific social context.
FROM GEOPOLITICAL TO ASTROPOLITICAL TENSIONS: HOW ESCALATING RIVALRIES SHAPE THE SPACE STRATEGIES OF THE UNITED STATES, RUSSIA, AND CHINA
This paper analyzes the transformation of outer space from a domain of scientific exploration into a space of intense geopolitical competition among leading global powers. The aim of the study is to determine how heightened geopolitical tensions in the period from 2014 to 2024 have influenced the redefinition of the space strategies of the United States of America, the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China. Through a comparative analysis of the space strategies of these states, the paper addresses the question of how outer space is becoming an arena in which technological advancement, military power, and ideological influence intersect and compete. The research is based on a combination of geopolitical and astropolitical theoretical frameworks, applying the realist paradigm of international relations and a threefold methodological approach that includes comparative analysis, content analysis of official strategic documents, and theoretical–interpretative analysis. Particular attention is devoted to examining how space exploration technologies are becoming instruments of both soft and hard power, while the boundary between their civilian and military use is gradually eroding. The results of the study indicate that although the United States continues to maintain a dominant position thanks to long-term investments and institutional infrastructure, the growing ambitions of China and Russia’s attempts to revitalize its space programs signal a process of the multipolarization of space. In conclusion, outer space is emerging as one of the key arenas of future geopolitical conflicts, but also as a field for redefining international relations and security paradigms in the twenty-first century.
ENVIRONMENTAL DISCOURSE OF THE MEDIA IN SERBIA
The authors of this paper examine the ways in which the media in Serbia have reported on environmental issues, with the aim of identifying their frequency, content structure, and dominant themes in the headlines of print newspapers and online news portals. The relevance of the selected topic is grounded in public opinion research, which has consistently demonstrated a growing level of public interest in issues related to environmental degradation. In other words, environmental problems, climate change, and energy transitions – albeit in different forms and to varying degrees – have gained increasing prominence within the Serbian public sphere. Accordingly, a content analysis was conducted on a sample of articles published in various print media outlets and online portals over the period from 2015 to 2025. The selected time frame enabled insight into the longitudinal relevance of these issues for mass media, reflected in the number of headlines, but also a better understanding of the broader ecological and economic context (the planning of mini-hydropower plant construction, air pollution, the announcement of various mining projects, etc.). The analysis is limited to headlines as the primary carriers of information, given their role in directing readers’ attention in line with their interests. A mixed-methods approach combining quantitative and qualitative analysis was employed in order to capture a broader range of characteristics of media discourse, such as the representation of various environmental issues, the style of reporting and its informational value and the presence of critical or sensationalist framing.
“AN OGRE AT OUR DOORSTEP” – CAN THE RUSSIAN THREAT UNITE EUROPE?
When French President Emmanuel Macron extravagantly compared Russian leader Vladimir Putin and his policies to an evil mythological creature, an “ogre on Europe’s doorstep,” he reflected the perception, prevalent in many European capitals, of an aggressive and expansionist Russia that threatens the security of the entire continent. The idea of ​​an acute Russian threat has become the guiding star of the accelerated militarization of European Union (EU) member states and attempts to improve common defense capabilities. The initial impetus for such a development was the war in Ukraine, which was presented by advocates of greater integration and autonomy in the defense sector as a potential turning point for European security, but also as a kind of Copernican twist that would bring the long-standing fantasy of European strategic autonomy, independent of the changing priorities of the United States, closer to reality. The aim of this paper is to reexamine the assumption about the role of the war in Ukraine in two main ways. First, it questions the very credibility of the idea of ​​a Russian threat that threatens the entire continent. Second, it points out that Moscow's actions, due to different perceptions of the threat and divergent interests, do not cause the same degree of concern among all EU states. The main hypothesis of the paper is that emphasizing the Russian threat is insufficient to establish a cohesive, unified approach among EU states to defense and security issues. Relying on the assumptions of the balance of threat theory to inform decisions on balancing and balancing interests to reflect divergent interests within the EU, the paper points out the challenges faced by a community of sovereign states when it must behave as a great power in an anarchic international system.
ENVIRONMENTAL POLICY AND CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE RESILIENCE: CHALLENGES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT DUE TO CLIMATE CHANGE
According to scientific assessments by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, anthropogenic influence is the main driver of global warming, аs extreme weather events are becoming increasingly frequent and intense. Climate change and the negative consequences that these changes entail pose a serious threat to the sustainable development that the global community strives for. Due to the negative impact on the stability of ecosystems, the sustainability of economic development, and the security of human communities, the possibility of sustainable development goals being maintained in the long term is being questioned. Understanding sustainable development as an effort to ensure that current generations meet their needs without compromising the ability of future generations to do the same is becoming increasingly complex and challenging in the context of advancing climate change. Critical infrastructure that ensures the functioning of the state and society and ensures that the basic needs of the population are met is increasingly exposed to the effects of climate change, which is a particular problem given its importance. Extreme climate phenomena, land degradation, and environmental disasters are increasingly leading to serious social consequences, with critical infrastructure being extremely vulnerable. Disruptions in the supply of electricity, water, and food, the need to invest in repairing the damage caused, increased risks to the security of both the infrastructure itself and the wider environment, and reduced community resilience are just some of the consequences of endangering critical infrastructure. In light of climate challenges, investment in the protection and strengthening of the resilience of critical infrastructure must be an integral part of environmental policy, as a set of regulations and measures aimed at protecting and preserving the environment. The paper analyzes the correlation between environmental policy and the resilience of critical infrastructure from the perspective of climate change, starting from the theoretical foundations of environmental policy and the concept of resilience. Special emphasis is given to assessing the vulnerability of critical infrastructure in the context of climate-related natural disasters, as well as the interdependence of infrastructure systems that can lead to cascading effects and systemic disruptions. The paper examines the development of environmental policy, from its institutionalization to the contemporary global and European normative, strategic, and operational framework, including the 2030 Agenda, the Paris Agreement, the Sendai Framework, and relevant European Union policies. Through the analysis of examples of good practice from different countries, the paper highlights the importance of integrated and preventive measures in the planning, construction, and adaptation of infrastructure to climate risks. It concludes that strengthening the resilience of critical infrastructure is an effective instrument for reducing risks, ensuring the uninterrupted provision of essential services, and strengthening the security and stability of society, and that it must be systematically integrated into environmental policy and sustainable development strategies.
ENERGY SECURITY AND SUSTAINABILITY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS: CHALLENGES ON THE PATH TOWARD GREEN TRANSITION
Energy security, as an essential dimension of national security, is deeply intertwined with economic, social, and geopolitical dynamics and represents one of the most pressing challenges facing the Western Balkan region at both national and supranational levels. At the national level, energy security is strongly connected to political stability and economic resilience, while at the supranational level, it is tied to the region’s ongoing process of European integration. The Western Balkans face a complex and interdependent set of challenges in achieving energy security and sustainability, situated within the broader context of the European Union’s Green Deal and the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans. This paper examines the evolving relationship between energy security, environmental sustainability, and regional cooperation, noting how certain structural and institutional limitations within the Western Balkan countries may slow the pace of the green transition. The study identifies key vulnerabilities in national energy systems while assessing the degree of alignment with EU climate objectives and the 2050 carbon neutrality target. The findings reveal that despite modest improvements in renewable energy integration, the Western Balkan region remains highly dependent on fossil fuels, particularly coal, and vulnerable to fluctuations in energy imports, which together hinder progress toward decarbonization and long-term stability. Strengthening regional cooperation mechanisms, alongside transparent and predictable regulatory frameworks, emerges as a prerequisite for advancing both energy security and sustainability. The paper concludes that achieving the 2050 climate neutrality objective will remain highly challenging for the Western Balkans unless regional cooperation is significantly strengthened and aligned with broader European efforts.
LOCAL ELECTIONS IN ZAJEČAR AND KOSJERIĆ, 2025
The regular local elections in the city of Zaječar and the municipality of Kosjerić, held on June 8, 2025, represented the first vote of Serbian citizens in the two local governments mentioned above, in the changed socio-political circumstances caused by the Novi Sad tragedy on November 1, 2024, in which sixteen people died after the collapse of a canopy at the Railway Station, and which culminated in student demonstrations that began at the end of the same month, first by students and professors of the Faculty of Dramatic Arts, and then by other faculties and universities in Serbia, which gained momentum in early 2025 and culminated with a protest in Belgrade in mid-March that gathered several hundred thousand people. The involvement of students (or as we will call the student movement in the text) significantly changed the political landscape of Serbia – through, as public opinion polls have shown – a decline or even stagnation in the popularity of the ruling party, but also of opposition parties, with a sharp increase in the popularity of the student movement as a potential future political force. The first opportunity to demonstrate the new balance of political forces was the regular local elections in Zaječar and Kosjerić, scheduled for June 8, 2025. Although the opposition lists, with the support of the student movement, failed to win, their success turned out to be far more significant than in previous elections in these local governments.
“SECURITY SENSITIVE AREA” AS A REASON FOR RESTRICTING FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY
A security-sensitive area represents a defined area around buildings of the highest authorities, buildings of special importance for the security of the state, and certain institutions whose basic purpose is to provide undisturbed work of the state bodies by applying a specific regime of public assembly in the area. After the introductory exposure, the issue of assembly location has been processed from the jurisprudential point of view, after which a legal history and a comparative law analysis of protected areas as a way of restricting assembly were performed. In the fourth part, restrictions on assembly locations in the Republic of Serbia were analysed by applying the legal dogmatics method. The author concludes that applying a specific legal regime of assembly in a protected area has constitutional justification, but only if such a regime implies a relative ban on assembly, along with applying the proportionality principle. Under the constitutional law, a protected area cannot represent a justifiable reason for restricting freedom of assembly per se, but it has to be directly related to some of the international law or the constitutional law grounds for restricting freedom of assembly. Law on Public Assembly in the Republic of Serbia prescribes restrictions on assembly locations, including locations which, according to the comparative law experiences, may be considered a protected area, but the constitutionality of some of the restrictions may be questioned for valid reasons since they are defined in advance by the law, and they are also general and absolute.
Socialism and Discrimination: Piketty on Racism
IDENTITY CROSSROADS AND IDENTITY POLICIES IN MONTENEGRO ‒ IN THE FACE OF THE CENSUS RESULTS 2023-2024.
The results of the population census conducted in Montenegro in December 2023 show several important indicators. First, a clear division into several national communities: Montenegrins, Serbs, Bosniaks, Albanians... Second, the Montenegrin people have retained the status of the majority people in Montenegro. This majority, however, is only relative (only 2 out of 5 residents of Montenegro belong to the Montenegrin nation). Montenegro is officially a multinational community, without a majority of people. Third, the Serbs have retained the position of the second largest national group in Montenegro. There are 4.2% more Serbs than in the previous census in 2011. Every third resident of Montenegro is a Serb by nationality. Fourth, the Bosniaks have increased their population at the expense of Muslims. They now make up 9.2% of the population. Now, a part of Bosniaks, who previously declared themselves as national Montenegrins, have returned to the Bosniak national corps. Fifth, the number of Albanians has remained within the expected limits (around 5%). The census results reveal the following identity intersections: Montenegrins in the majority want Montenegro as a civil community of national Montenegrins, to which all national-ethnic groups in the country should belong. Supporters of this idea see Montenegro in the regional environment of the European Union and NATO. On the other hand, the majority of the Serbian people in Montenegro see the future in closer integration of Montenegro with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). The majority of Serbian political entities in Montenegro do not oppose membership in the European Union, but advocate non-aligned military neutrality, and see Montenegro outside the NATO pact. Finally, there is a third, middle option of residents who declare themselves Montenegrins, but who also preserve part of their Serbian identity: they speak the Serbian language, or at least attend the canonical church – the Serbian Orthodox Church. This population remains committed to the “democratic values” of EU and NATO membership, but wants to achieve closer relations with Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). The government of Milojko Spajić, his political movement (PES) in coalition with the Democrats of Montenegro, forms the backbone of this commitment. Montenegro is seen as a community of equal citizens but also of the peoples who live in it: Montenegrin, Serbian, Bosniak, and Albanian. The idea is that all ruling parties, with the opposition political movement URA of Dritan Abazović, build a reference political framework for control and changeability of power. This would avoid the danger of the return of former Montenegrin President Milo Đukanović’s DPS to power. The defense of democratic mechanisms and the defense of multinational stability remain the core values of these political processes.
A LONG JOURNEY TO EUROPE: THE PERCEPTION OF THE EUROPEAN UNION DURING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE PROJECT “JADAR” AND STUDENT PROTESTS IN SERBIA
This paper researches the public perception of the European Union (EU) and the process of European integration in Serbia amid the context of large-scale student protests that began in November 2024 and the major tragedy in Novi Sad, as well as the ongoing lithium crisis associated with the controversial “Jadar” project. The aim of the study is to explore how the project “Jadar” and the student protests have affected the EU’s reputation and position within Serbian public opinion, to identify the social groups in which attitudes toward the EU are deteriorating, and to assess the potential long-term implications for the European integration process. The theoretical and methodological framework is grounded in literature emphasizing stability as a central point in the recent past of the EU’s approach to the Western Balkans – often at the expense of democratic principles – and incorporates data from a quantitative public opinion poll conducted on a nationally representative sample. Findings indicate that both the student protests and the lithium mining controversy have adversely influenced public attitudes toward the EU. Notably, this decline in support is observed even among pro-EU citizens, particularly in response to the EU’s official stance on the protests. Public opinion remains highly sceptical regarding the perceived (economic or developmental) benefits of the “Jadar” project, with environmental concerns and doubts over compliance with ecological standards prevailing. Moreover, a considerable portion of citizens critical of the EU’s role in the lithium mining process are individuals who already oppose Serbia’s EU accession. Regarding the student protests, the majority of the public expresses dissatisfaction with the EU's reactions – some perceiving them as too mild, while others regard them as excessively explicit and critical.
TOWARDS THE OVERCOMING OF ISLAMISM AND POPULISM: FROM INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS TO INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE
This study aims to critically examine the thesis of the “clash of civilizations” and to explore whether such a clash is inevitable when the Eastern-Muslim and Western-Christian worlds meet, as well as whether the mutual fear between them is justified and how it is generated and mobilized. In the introductory section, we will provide an overview of the historical relations between these “two worlds” to identify the factors that opened the possibility for the emergence of radical attitudes stemming from concepts such as Islamism and Populism. After that, we will address the question of which factors contributed to their sudden “revival”, with particular focus on one of the most frequently cited causes: the refugee crisis. We will examine how this crisis emerged and the nature of the reactions it provoked, specifically the politicization of otherness. In the subsequent analysis, special attention will be given to Western Populism and its Islamophobic policies. Finally, we will explore the concepts of constitutional patriotism, Euro-Islam, and human (universal) brotherhood as potential pathways toward overcoming the negative dichotomy inherent in the notions of Islam and the West, particularly in the context of the role of interreligious dialogue in international relations and its contribution to the depoliticization of otherness.
EUROPEAN UNION’S GREEN SOFT POWER IN CONTEMPORARY POLITICS: INSTRUMENTS, CONDITIONALITY AND GLOBAL LEADERSHIP
The article examines the concept of green soft power with a focus on the unique example of the European Union (EU). As one of the global leaders in combating climate change, the EU mobilizes its green soft power to shape the environmental changes internationally through non-coercive means. The article recognized environmental diplomacy, global climate leadership, sustainable culture, and green normative framework as key resources in projecting EU green soft power. Using regulatory authority, the EU complements its soft power with conditional mechanisms, making the Union adopt a hybrid form of soft power. The paper argues that the EU combines domestic ecological transformation, exemplified by the European Green Deal, with external instruments such as Chapter 27 of the enlargement process and the Global Gateway initiative, to project environmental norms globally. It further analyzes the EU strategy in recent international climate negotiations (COP26-COP28). Finally, the paper examines two important factors in international relations that limit the EU's capacity to perform and achieve environmental objectives in the international arena – the problematic withdrawal from the Paris Agreement by the United States, and complex evolving relations with China.
CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIA AND THE BALKANS: A COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
The paper analyses the foreign policy activities of the People’s Republic of China in Central Asia and the Balkans, highlighting the similarities and differences in its engagement in these geopolitically significant regions. The study adopts a comparative approach at the regional level, examining Central Asia and the Balkans as two parallel arenas of Chinese foreign policy activity. The comparative framework is structured around four dimensions: economic, political, security, and social. A comparative analysis of China’s foreign policy engagement in Central Asia and the Balkans reveals how Beijing positions itself as a global actor with a flexible and pragmatic approach that relies on economic instruments as the foundation of its influence while adapting to regional specificities. In both regions, economic engagement constitutes the dominant pillar of China’s foreign policy, primarily through the Belt and Road Initiative. Similarities are also evident in the diplomatic sphere, where China combines bilateral relations with multilateral formats, emphasizing the principles of sovereignty, mutual benefit, and non-interference in internal affairs, consistent with the concept of a “community with a shared future for mankind”. Social and cultural dimensions, such as Confucius Institutes, scholarships, and media cooperation, serve as instruments of soft power in both regions. However, despite these similarities, there are significant differences that illustrate the adaptability of China’s strategy. In Central Asia, as a neighbouring region of vital strategic importance, China demonstrates a deeper and more multidimensional engagement. This engagement is reflected in China’s economic dominance, developed trade networks, and substantial investments; politically, it relies on well-established institutional frameworks such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the China+C5 format; and in the security sphere, it is actively involved in counterterrorism efforts through security cooperation, joint exercises, and arms sales. This approach reflects the priorities of China's national security, particularly concerning Xinjiang and the Uyghur issue. Another key difference lies in the importance of energy security, as access to Central Asia's abundant energy resources represents one of China's main strategic objectives. In contrast, in the Balkans—a more distant region under stronger influence from the EU, the United States, and NATO—China's engagement is more selective and predominantly economic, focusing on infrastructure projects and access to the wider European market. Political and security involvement is limited, being most intensive in Serbia. Although China also invests in energy projects in the Balkans, such activities are primarily linked to market access and the potential securing of resources for its broader needs, rather than to immediate energy security concerns, as in the case of Central Asia. Central Asia is key to China’s security and energy needs, whereas the Balkans function as a strategic gateway to EU markets and a space for enhancing political influence on Europe’s periphery. These differences in strategic objectives and operational approaches point to the pragmatic and adaptive nature of China's foreign policy. Its actions are carefully tailored to the specific geopolitical context and characteristics of each region. In Central Asia, China acts as a co-superpower, shaping the regional order through economic, political, and security instruments, while in the Balkans, it is a secondary but rising actor seeking to expand its influence through infrastructure, loans, and political partnerships, balancing its global ambitions with the European institutional framework.
THE POLITICAL CONCEPT OF THE “MANAGERIAL REVOLUTION” IN THE WORKS OF JAMES BURNHAM
James Burnham, a 20th-century American conservative thinker, is best known for his concept of the “managerial revolution,” as presented in his 1941 work of the same name. Burnham identifies a new managerial elite, emerging from the owners’ need for experts capable of managing complex, international processes, as the successors of previous capitalist and socialist structures. In line with their growing social role, Burnham examines the influence of the managerial elite in both the public and private sectors, analyzing the consequences of this transformation for the democratic system. Although Burnham’s work did not find a place in the ideological mainstream, his thought has had a particular influence in contemporary conservative and populist circles. This paper aims to provide a critical reflection on the concept of managerialism and its impact on the transformation of social elites, power relations, and the nature of democracy.
POLITICAL MARKETING AND DEMOCRACY: CRITICAL REFLECTIONS
The subject of research in this paper is political marketing, which is critically examined from the standpoint of the interests of democracy. Guided by the goal of identifying key problems raised by its widespread application in political life, we have used methods of analysis and evaluation of critical considerations of the effects of political marketing on the democratic process. As the assumed normative background of these critical observations, we have used certain principles and requirements of two, in many ways opposite, concepts: the concept of competitive elitism and deliberative democracy, and the pluralistic understanding as a kind of “middle way”. We synthesized the critical considerations in several general critical remarks. The first remark refers to the phenomenon of the marketization of politics, i.e. changes in the way politics is understood and functions, subject to the consumer forces of business management and the market. This is about the increase in populism in politics due to the prevalence of the “follower mentality”, the weakening of leadership, the focus on short-term solutions instead of what is right for society in the long term. Political marketing also contributes to the fact that politics is increasingly losing its content – ​​political communication and party politics are less and less directly related to political issues and beliefs, and more and more to individuals, personality, image, brand. The phenomenon of personalization, through pseudo-intimacy with citizens, distracts attention from essential political issues. The second remark develops the implications of understanding politics as the buying and selling and commodification of public opinion, which ignores the way in which ideas and values ​​are key to the democratic process, as the foundation of competing visions of improving politics in order to achieve a better society. The instrumental approach to democracy limits critical-rational debate in the public sphere, reducing democracy to a method for achieving particular goals, by strengthening the functional role of voters in relation to parties, reducing them to a means of achieving party goals. Political consumerism, on the other hand, threatens traditional notions of citizenship, because it leads to selfish calculations becoming decisive in voting, suppressing the idea of ​​the general interest of which commodified public opinion becomes incapable. The third objection relates to changes in the character of the political offer driven by the imperatives of its attractiveness to the political market and research on public opinion preferences. The last remark is directed at the formation of the attitudes of citizens as political consumers, under the influence of marketing political communication guided by predictive modeling methods and supplied with propaganda-manipulative techniques. In conclusion, the paper presents some of the ideas of the critical agenda of political marketing, as a possible framework for the development of its assessment and subjection to democratic control, with the theoretical and methodological support of a critical analysis of political discourse.
VALUE GAP AND COMBAT MORALE: VALUES THAT ARE LIVED VS. VALUES THAT WE ARE DEFENDED
This paper presents the results of an empirical study conducted in 2024 among cadets of the Military Academy at the University of Defence in Belgrade, addressing the increasingly relevant problem of the value gap between members of the armed forces and the civilian population, with specific attention to the impact of this gap on combat morale. The issue is examined within the broader framework of contemporary strategic challenges and the postmodern social environment, a setting in which dominant societal values – shaped by processes of individualisation, consumerism, and relativisation of collective obligations – frequently prove incompatible with the ideals of military service, such as duty, sacrifice, and loyalty. The study builds on a substantial body of research conducted over the past several decades in Western societies, where the value gap has been documented most clearly in states that have abolished or suspended compulsory military service. In these contexts, a widening divergence in value orientations between the military and civilian sectors has been shown to erode mutual understanding, weaken societal support for the armed forces, and adversely affect the cohesion necessary for effective military performance. By situating the Serbian case within this comparative framework, the author seeks both to identify parallels and to highlight distinctive national characteristics. The empirical findings reveal a trend consistent with those observed in the aforementioned Western societies: cadets clearly perceive the existence of a value gap and tend to regard military values as superior to those prevailing in broader society. This hierarchy of values, while potentially strengthening internal cohesion within the armed forces, also carries risks. When the armed forces are perceived – both by themselves and by society – as operating within a distinct and superior moral framework, the potential for alienation increases. Such alienation can undermine combat morale in a profound way, particularly given that, in times of war, the military's mission is to defend the society's vital moral and cultural foundations, not merely its institutional or territorial integrity. The author frames this dynamic in terms of the military ethos as both a repository and a defender of a nation's most essential values. In the Serbian context, this issue acquires particular historical weight. The bond between the military and society has traditionally been one of the most important determinants of combat morale, sustained not only through shared historical experiences but also through the institution of compulsory military service, which served as a bridge between civilian and military spheres. The suspension of conscription, combined with broader social transformations, has weakened this link, creating conditions in which the value gap can deepen. The paper concludes by emphasising the strategic importance of addressing this problem as a matter of national security. The author proposes two principal measures: first, strengthening military education in the fields of social sciences and humanities, with the aim of cultivating officers capable of understanding and engaging with the society they serve; and second, reintroducing compulsory military service, both as a means of transmitting military values to the broader population and of re-establishing the reciprocal trust that underpins combat morale. Such measures, the author argues, are not merely institutional reforms but essential steps toward ensuring that, in a time of crisis, the armed forces and the society they defend remain united in their values, objectives, and sense of purpose.
“AMERICAN EVIL” IN THE PUBLICISTIC OF DRAGOŠ KALAJIĆ
In the article, the author examines the concept of „American evil" in the articles of the Serbian painter and publicist Dragoš Kalajić. In the first part, Kalajić’s concept of “American evil” is situated within the framework of traditionalist thought, an anti-modern current of thought. This primarily refers to the work of Julius Evola, who had a great influence on Kaljić. From a traditionalist perspective, modernity implies a project of unifying the world, from which arises a split between different moral-political orientations, which manifests itself as a conflict between the elite and the people. In the third part of the paper, the geopolitical consequences of Kalajić’s understanding of “American evil” are discussed.
CELESTIAL MECHANICS AND HARMONY: INTELLECTUAL CURRENTS WITHIN EUROPE FROM MILANKOVIĆ TO KOSTIĆ
This paper examines how the philosophical and scientific legacies of Milutin Milanković and Laza Kostić transcend national frameworks, establishing intellectual currents that affirm Serbia’s place within the broader European tradition. Their works, centered on harmony, time, and the ethical pursuit of truth, function as subtle countercurrents within Europe’s historical discourse. Through their engagement with ancient thought, they demonstrate that Serbian culture has contributed meaningfully to enduring ideas and that Serbian intellectuals have shaped the development of European philosophy and science. Before turning to their engagement with antiquity, it is essential to consider the metaphysical foundation that underlies their pursuit. This insight offers a philosophical threshold through which both Milanković and Kostić enter the realm of timeless ideas. Milanković’s scientific vision was never confined to empirical observation alone. He understood science as a metaphysical journey, a pursuit of eternal laws and cosmic harmony. This view aligns seamlessly with Kostić’s metaphysical principle, suggesting that both thinkers approached knowledge not as accumulation, but as illumination. Visionary thinkers often recognize the persistent resonance of antiquity. The aim of this study is to explore how Milanković and Kostić relate to that eternal force, one that propels their creativity and compels them to reflect ancient insights in their own distinct idioms. Whether in the history of science or the history of philosophy, their motivations unfold gradually, revealing the immortal phoenix of antiquity within their thought. That phoenix does not vanish; it merely transforms. Its name is inscribed in the layered metaphysics of classical philosophy, and its light continues to illuminate the path toward harmony, truth, and intellectual sovereignty.
THE PROBLEM OF DISPARITY IN PAY BETWEEN WOMEN AND MEN FOR WORK OF THE SAME VALUE
The starting point of this research is based on several complementary theoretical approaches, which allow for a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon of the gender pay gap. Primarily, the work relies on the theory of historical institutionalism, in which the works of authors such as Douglass North, an American economist, and the American sociologist and political scientist, Theda Skocpol, are significant. This approach highlights that the outcomes of public policies are influenced not only by formal legal provisions and laws but also by so-called "non-policy" factors — networks of informal rules, habits, cultural patterns, and behaviors rooted in social and political reality. Thus, even when progressive public policies are formally adopted, their implementation may be limited by institutional inertia and resistance in practice. Additionally, insights from labor market segmentation theory will be applied, particularly the analyses of intellectuals such as Barbara Reskin, a sociologist, and Heidi Hartmann, an economist, who emphasize the existence of horizontal and vertical segregation of women in the employment sector, meaning their concentration in lower-paid sectors and underrepresentation in decision-making positions and top management. The research also builds upon findings from Joan Acker, a sociologist, who pointed to the existence of „gendered institutions“ and structures, such as the labor market, where gender hierarchies are socially constructed and reproduced. Through this perspective, the gender pay gap is not seen merely as a result of individual choices or qualifications but rather as a reflection of traditionally entrenched institutional and social patterns that produce and sustain gender inequality. The study also incorporates insights from economist Claudia Goldin, who, through the lens of historical institutionalism and labor market segmentation, emphasizes long-term structural “matrices of inequality” between women and men in the labor market. The main research question this paper seeks to address is: How do the socio-cultural norms influence the effectiveness of implementing policies aimed at reducing the gender pay gap? Methodologically, the research is based on scientific methods of content and discourse analysis, historical method, as well as induction and deduction. The analysis of data on gender wage differences in the Republic of Serbia draws from the 2023 survey by the Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia, showing a reduction of the gender pay gap to 8.8%. However, a deeper analysis that includes factors such as education level, type of employment, and (un)employment rates among women reveals significantly greater disparities. Women are more often represented in lower-paid occupations, receive lower pensions (on average, 17% less), and experience higher unemployment rates, despite being more highly educated overall. Despite the adoption of the „Law on Gender Equality“ in 2021 and the „Action Plan for 2022–2023 as part of the Gender Equality Strategy for the period 2021–2030“, the labor market position of women has not seen significant improvement. Thorough considerations suggest that, despite certain normative progress achieved in recent years, the primary objective should be to ensure that public policies in the field of gender equality move beyond official declarations and formal regulations, and instead become effective mechanisms that not only monitor the outcomes of improved public policies but also strengthen the capacities of women for professional advancement. Particular emphasis should be placed on promoting women's leadership and ensuring equal representation in decision-making processes, as sustainable economic equality cannot be achieved without these measures. It is equally important to recognize that the goal of such policies is not to neglect or marginalize men, but to establish a system where achievements, knowledge, and engagement of every individual are evaluated on equal grounds. Only policies that foster and acknowledge the potential of women across all professional sectors can be regarded as truly effective and capable of driving broader social transformation.
US-RUSSIAN RELATIONS: BALANCING INTERESTS AND FEARS
The fluctuation of US-Russian relations points to the fact that the correlation between these two countries represents one of the most significant and complex aspects of global politics, and that it is intertwined with phases of cooperation and rivalry, which continuously influence the formation of the global order. With the bloc division of the world into “East” and “West”, it was precisely the relations between these two powers that determined events and shaped political circumstances on the world geopolitical scene. With each change of administration, the competitive relationship between Washington and Moscow has continued, accompanied by limited enthusiasm for cooperation, mainly in the domain of arms control and the fight against global threats. The aim of this paper is to analyze the initial phase of improving relations, fueled by the “reset” tendency, as well as the outbreak of a new wave of tensions in US-Russian relations, identify key events and policies that shaped relations between the United States and the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, as well as to identify the causes of the failure of the “reset”. The contrasting foreign policy discourses of Moscow and Washington, the rise of the BRICS, and the expansion of China have posed a significant challenge to the liberal order led by the US. Using content analysis and discourse analysis methods, the author will provide insight into the factors that have contributed to the deterioration of US-Russian relations, with a focus on the opposing tendencies of these two states in foreign and domestic policy.
THE CAPABILITY APPROACH (CA) IN THE EDUCATION OF CHILDREN AND ADULTS WITH DISABILITIES
The Capability Approach (CA), developed by economist Amartya Sen, in political philosophy, emphasizes the importance of capabilities, functioning, and freedoms of individuals as necessary components for achieving a good life. The development of the capabilities of individuals is influenced by education, which is key to improving individual well-being and social development. CA is characterized by advocating for social justice, the fight against discrimination, and equal education for all, but in a way that, instead of an exclusive focus on economic progress, emphasizes individual well-being. In education, it prioritizes achieving learning outcomes based on individual capabilities rather than uniform resource allocation or standardized results. In line with these characteristics, this paper was created with the aim of exploring the connection between CA and the education of persons with disabilities, as it highlights the importance of adapting teaching methods, taking into account individual differences and specialized support based on the capabilities of students. By analyzing the content of normative documents and scholarly works dealing with the theoretical framework and application of CA, the paper emphasizes its contribution to the more appropriate implementation of normative frameworks aimed at achieving equality and protecting rights and freedoms in educational policies. This approach is linked to the social model of understanding disability and contrasts with the outdated medical model, which viewed disability as pathology and an individual problem. Emphasizing the importance of environmental factors, the social model includes the engagement of social, political, and educational institutions to improve the physical and mental development and educational capabilities of persons with disabilities according to their own capabilities. Martha Nussbaum, who philosophically developed and expanded CA, advocates for a list of fundamental capabilities for achieving social justice, thus complementing the shortcomings of existing theories of social justice by including the needs of vulnerable groups, such as persons with disabilities. This list includes life, health, bodily integrity, and political participation, aiming to ensure a minimum standard of dignity and freedom for individuals and social groups. Therefore, in inclusive education, it is essential to consider how the social and political climate shapes the perception of disability, human rights, and social welfare, and consequently, how it contributes to the development of capabilities and specialized support, such as personal assistance services, which are essential for inclusive education policy and inclusion in all other areas of social and political life.
CHALLENGES IN THE USE OF THE E-GOVERNMENT PORTAL AND ELECTRONIC SERVICES IN SERBIA
Over the past 15 years, Serbia has made significant progress in the field of digitalization and the development of electronic services. A national e-services portal – the eGovernment Portal (Портал еУправа) – has been established, along with numerous other electronic portals (such as the e-Taxes Portal, e-Invoices, Local Tax Administration, etc.), and various e-services (for example, electronic payment of fees and charges under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior). During the same period, there has been a significant increase in the number of eCitizens – citizens who use the eGovernment Portal – and now more than one-third of Serbia’s population can be considered eCitizens. This progress has also been recognized by relevant international organizations, such as the United Nations, which in 2022 ranked Serbia among the countries with a very high level of eGovernment development and a very high level of eParticipation on its e-Government Development Index (EGDI). However, Serbia still faces key challenges that prevent a larger number of citizens from becoming eCitizens. This, in turn, limits broader electronic civic participation and the possibility of greater involvement in public and political life through new technologies and digital services. Two main challenges stand out: low levels of digital literacy among Serbian citizens, especially when compared to EU member states – and particularly Denmark, which is a global leader in this field, and lack of user support in navigating and using e-services, along with an overall lack of promotion and awareness regarding the benefits of this mode of service delivery. As a result, many people still perceive it as easier to complete tasks in person rather than through digital platforms. This perception threatens Serbia’s ability to keep pace with modern trends in Europe and other developed countries moving toward fully digital public services, and may affect its competitiveness in this domain. To overcome these barriers, it is essential that citizens are not passive observers of changes in the ICT world. Instead, efforts must be made to educate and improve their digital skills. This would be the first part of the solution. The second part lies in the hands of the state, which is expected to play a proactive role by promoting digital literacy, increasing public awareness of e-services, and providing better user support mechanisms.